Follow our reporting on the policies and politicians that shape the Bay Area, California, and beyond.
Trump Hush Money Trial Update with Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School
Newsom Vows Expedited Rollout of Proposition 1 Funds for Mental Health, Substance-Use Treatment Facilities
Newsom's Solution to a $45 Billion Budget Deficit
Liberal Republican Pete McCloskey Dies at 96; SF Mayor's Race Heats Up
Shasta County Elections Chief Who Fought Far Right Extremists Reflects on Democracy
Student Journalists on Covering Historic Gaza Protests at UCLA, UC Berkeley
Ballot Measure to Limit New Taxes Goes Before California Supreme Court
Why Cities Call This Ballot Measure an “Existential” Threat
A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area
How Arizona and Nevada Could Determine Who Controls White House, Senate
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As the prosecution begins to dig into Cohen’s story and motivations, Scott and Marisa talk with Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson about the trial so far, the legal strategies on both sides and how the jury might be interpreting it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out Levinson’s weekly podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/passing-judgment/id1521406876\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Passing Judgment\u003c/a>, wherever you get your podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715724552,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":83},"headData":{"title":"Trump Hush Money Trial Update with Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School | KQED","description":"It’s day two of Michael Cohen’s testimony about Donald Trump’s hush money payments to Stormy Daniels. 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As the prosecution begins to dig into Cohen’s story and motivations, Scott and Marisa talk with Loyola Law School professor Jessica Levinson about the trial so far, the legal strategies on both sides and how the jury might be interpreting it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out Levinson’s weekly podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/passing-judgment/id1521406876\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Passing Judgment\u003c/a>, wherever you get your podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986159/trump-hush-money-trial-update-with-jessica-levinson-of-loyola-law-school","authors":["255","3239"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_1323","news_33881","news_34050","news_22945","news_22235","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11986167","label":"source_news_11986159"},"news_11986218":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986218","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986218","score":null,"sort":[1715730817000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"newsom-vows-expedited-rollout-of-proposition-1-funds","title":"Newsom Vows Expedited Rollout of Proposition 1 Funds for Mental Health, Substance-Use Treatment Facilities","publishDate":1715730817,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Newsom Vows Expedited Rollout of Proposition 1 Funds for Mental Health, Substance-Use Treatment Facilities | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Local governments and nonprofits will be able to tap into billions of dollars of new funding to house residents with severe behavioral health issues beginning this summer, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voter discontent over homelessness and entering the final years of his term, Newsom hopes to accelerate the construction of treatment facilities and supportive housing with money created by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">narrowly approved by voters\u003c/a> in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been more enthusiastic about our prospects to actually make a dent and address the issue of what’s happening on the streets and sidewalks in this state than I am today,” Newsom said. “These next two to three years will be transformational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor announced the plan to expedite funding outside Cordilleras Mental Health Center, a behavioral health treatment facility in Redwood City. Newsom vowed that Proposition 1 will unlock the funding needed to replicate centers like Cordilleras across the state — and he vowed that the state would approve local requests for the voter-approved money faster than it did for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/02/mental-health-housing-election/\">previous housing bond, Proposition 2\u003c/a>, in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will quickly approve those plans because we have a new task force and strike team around this, breaking down all of the boxes and bureaucratic hurdles,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Health Care Services has already published bond guidance for nonprofits and local governments hoping to grab a slice of the $4.4 billion Proposition 1 funding dedicated to the construction of behavioral health treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this year, the Department of Housing and Community Development and the California Veterans Affairs Agency will publish similar guidance for the other piece of the bond: $2 billion for supportive housing, with half of that amount earmarked for housing for veterans with substance use or mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 included both the $6.38 billion bond and a reworking of existing mental health spending. Together, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980538/prop-1-passesbarely\">measure represented Newsom’s most ambitious gamble\u003c/a> yet that voters would buy into his vision of prioritizing investments for Californians at the intersection of homelessness and behavioral health.[aside postID=news_11985932 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24131700013572-1020x680.jpg']He almost failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a heavy spending advantage, Proposition 1 was supported by just over 50% of voters. Conservatives who may have been skeptical about more state spending were overrepresented in the primary electorate. Some Democrats even opposed the housing bond because it funded locked treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a woman who only identified herself as Lee spoke in support of the locked facilities. She said her son suffers from severe mental illness and now lives at Cordilleras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tells me he wants the building locked so that nobody can come in off the street and beat him up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said before his stay at Cordilleras, her son would often leave less-restrictive housing only to end up walking on nearby highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, when I learned that he had gotten out on one of these times, I was always afraid,” Lee said. “Would he be hit by a truck on the highway? 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Gavin Newsom announced on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voter discontent over homelessness and entering the final years of his term, Newsom hopes to accelerate the construction of treatment facilities and supportive housing with money created by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">narrowly approved by voters\u003c/a> in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been more enthusiastic about our prospects to actually make a dent and address the issue of what’s happening on the streets and sidewalks in this state than I am today,” Newsom said. “These next two to three years will be transformational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor announced the plan to expedite funding outside Cordilleras Mental Health Center, a behavioral health treatment facility in Redwood City. Newsom vowed that Proposition 1 will unlock the funding needed to replicate centers like Cordilleras across the state — and he vowed that the state would approve local requests for the voter-approved money faster than it did for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/02/mental-health-housing-election/\">previous housing bond, Proposition 2\u003c/a>, in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will quickly approve those plans because we have a new task force and strike team around this, breaking down all of the boxes and bureaucratic hurdles,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Health Care Services has already published bond guidance for nonprofits and local governments hoping to grab a slice of the $4.4 billion Proposition 1 funding dedicated to the construction of behavioral health treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this year, the Department of Housing and Community Development and the California Veterans Affairs Agency will publish similar guidance for the other piece of the bond: $2 billion for supportive housing, with half of that amount earmarked for housing for veterans with substance use or mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 included both the $6.38 billion bond and a reworking of existing mental health spending. Together, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980538/prop-1-passesbarely\">measure represented Newsom’s most ambitious gamble\u003c/a> yet that voters would buy into his vision of prioritizing investments for Californians at the intersection of homelessness and behavioral health.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11985932","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24131700013572-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He almost failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a heavy spending advantage, Proposition 1 was supported by just over 50% of voters. Conservatives who may have been skeptical about more state spending were overrepresented in the primary electorate. Some Democrats even opposed the housing bond because it funded locked treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a woman who only identified herself as Lee spoke in support of the locked facilities. She said her son suffers from severe mental illness and now lives at Cordilleras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tells me he wants the building locked so that nobody can come in off the street and beat him up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said before his stay at Cordilleras, her son would often leave less-restrictive housing only to end up walking on nearby highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, when I learned that he had gotten out on one of these times, I was always afraid,” Lee said. “Would he be hit by a truck on the highway? Would I not be able to find him?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986218/newsom-vows-expedited-rollout-of-proposition-1-funds","authors":["227"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_30069","news_27626","news_16","news_17968","news_18536","news_17101"],"featImg":"news_11986242","label":"news"},"news_11985932":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985932","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985932","score":null,"sort":[1715646638000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit","title":"Newsom's Solution to a $45 Billion Budget Deficit","publishDate":1715646638,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Newsom’s Solution to a $45 Billion Budget Deficit | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised state budget tackles a total deficit of $45 billion, including cuts made earlier this year. The governor is proposing to spread the pain widely, with cuts to programs ranging from healthcare and scholarships for the middle class to climate change initiatives he supports. Scott, Marisa and Guy hash out the winners and losers in the May Revise budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715708518,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":66},"headData":{"title":"Newsom's Solution to a $45 Billion Budget Deficit | KQED","description":"Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised state budget tackles a total deficit of $45 billion, including cuts made earlier this year. The governor is proposing to spread the pain widely, with cuts to programs ranging from healthcare and scholarships for the middle class to climate change initiatives he supports. Scott, Marisa and Guy hash out the winners and losers in the May Revise budget.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Newsom's Solution to a $45 Billion Budget Deficit","datePublished":"2024-05-14T00:30:38.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-14T17:41:58.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC9348131177.mp3?updated=1715641227","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11985932","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised state budget tackles a total deficit of $45 billion, including cuts made earlier this year. The governor is proposing to spread the pain widely, with cuts to programs ranging from healthcare and scholarships for the middle class to climate change initiatives he supports. Scott, Marisa and Guy hash out the winners and losers in the May Revise budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit","authors":["255","3239","227"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_1759","news_16","news_34042","news_22235","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11985832","label":"source_news_11985932"},"news_11985563":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985563","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985563","score":null,"sort":[1715387424000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"liberal-republican-pete-mccloskey-dies-at-96-sf-mayors-race-heats-up","title":"Liberal Republican Pete McCloskey Dies at 96; SF Mayor's Race Heats Up","publishDate":1715387424,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Liberal Republican Pete McCloskey Dies at 96; SF Mayor’s Race Heats Up | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Scott and Marisa remember a Republican maverick: former Bay Area Congressman Pete McCloskey. He fought for the environment, helped write the Endangered Species Act, opposed the Vietnam War and was the first House Republican to call for Nixon’s impeachment. McCloskey died this week at age 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, KQED politics reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez joins to talk with Scott and Marisa about the race for mayor of San Francisco. Mayor London Breed is facing several strong challengers as she struggles to convince voters she’s turning around the city she’s led for six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715391111,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":100},"headData":{"title":"Liberal Republican Pete McCloskey Dies at 96; SF Mayor's Race Heats Up | KQED","description":"Scott and Marisa remember a Republican maverick: former Bay Area Congressman Pete McCloskey. He fought for the environment, helped write the Endangered Species Act, opposed the Vietnam War and was the first House Republican to call for Nixon’s impeachment. McCloskey died this week at age 96. Then, KQED politics reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez joins to talk with Scott and Marisa about the race for mayor of San Francisco. Mayor London Breed is facing several strong challengers as she struggles to convince voters she’s turning around the city she’s led for six years.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Liberal Republican Pete McCloskey Dies at 96; SF Mayor's Race Heats Up","datePublished":"2024-05-11T00:30:24.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-11T01:31:51.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC2977161619.mp3?updated=1715363967","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11985563","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985563/liberal-republican-pete-mccloskey-dies-at-96-sf-mayors-race-heats-up","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Scott and Marisa remember a Republican maverick: former Bay Area Congressman Pete McCloskey. He fought for the environment, helped write the Endangered Species Act, opposed the Vietnam War and was the first House Republican to call for Nixon’s impeachment. McCloskey died this week at age 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, KQED politics reporter Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez joins to talk with Scott and Marisa about the race for mayor of San Francisco. Mayor London Breed is facing several strong challengers as she struggles to convince voters she’s turning around the city she’s led for six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985563/liberal-republican-pete-mccloskey-dies-at-96-sf-mayors-race-heats-up","authors":["255","3239","11690"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_33881","news_6931","news_34035","news_22235","news_17968","news_34013"],"featImg":"news_11985567","label":"source_news_11985563"},"news_11985554":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985554","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985554","score":null,"sort":[1715301001000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"shasta-county-elections-chief-who-fought-far-right-extremists-reflects-on-democracy","title":"Shasta County Elections Chief Who Fought Far Right Extremists Reflects on Democracy","publishDate":1715301001,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Shasta County Elections Chief Who Fought Far Right Extremists Reflects on Democracy | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Cathy Darling Allen was Shasta County’s elected county clerk and registrar of voters for two decades, and for the first part of that, like most registrars, she toiled in relative obscurity. Then came 2016, Donald Trump and a growing narrative on the right that the voting system couldn’t be trusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired on Sunday, after announcing several months ago that she’s facing some serious health problems. Marisa and Scott chat with her about her tenure and the growing pressure on election workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715299580,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":91},"headData":{"title":"Shasta County Elections Chief Who Fought Far Right Extremists Reflects on Democracy | KQED","description":"Cathy Darling Allen was Shasta County’s elected county clerk and registrar of voters for two decades, and for the first part of that, like most registrars, she toiled in relative obscurity. Then came 2016, Donald Trump and a growing narrative on the right that the voting system couldn’t be trusted. Darling Allen retired on Sunday,","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Shasta County Elections Chief Who Fought Far Right Extremists Reflects on Democracy","datePublished":"2024-05-10T00:30:01.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-10T00:06:20.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC4242801509.mp3?updated=1715299720","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985554/shasta-county-elections-chief-who-fought-far-right-extremists-reflects-on-democracy","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cathy Darling Allen was Shasta County’s elected county clerk and registrar of voters for two decades, and for the first part of that, like most registrars, she toiled in relative obscurity. Then came 2016, Donald Trump and a growing narrative on the right that the voting system couldn’t be trusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired on Sunday, after announcing several months ago that she’s facing some serious health problems. Marisa and Scott chat with her about her tenure and the growing pressure on election workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985554/shasta-county-elections-chief-who-fought-far-right-extremists-reflects-on-democracy","authors":["3239","255"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_34033","news_33881","news_22235","news_17968","news_22895","news_34034"],"featImg":"news_11985556","label":"source_news_11985554"},"news_11985439":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985439","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985439","score":null,"sort":[1715214278000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"student-journalists-on-covering-historic-gaza-protests-at-ucla-uc-berkeley","title":"Student Journalists on Covering Historic Gaza Protests at UCLA, UC Berkeley","publishDate":1715214278,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Student Journalists on Covering Historic Gaza Protests at UCLA, UC Berkeley | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Campus protests over Israel’s war in Gaza, and universities’ response to them, have attracted international attention. Months after it began, the movement shows no signs of slowing down, even as the school year comes to an end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by two student journalists who have been on the front lines covering the protests at UC Berkeley, where the Free Speech Movement began in the 1960s, and UCLA, where the actions of police officers and counterprotesters are under scrutiny after a violent confrontation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715285591,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":90},"headData":{"title":"Student Journalists on Covering Historic Gaza Protests at UCLA, UC Berkeley | KQED","description":"Campus protests over Israel’s war in Gaza, and universities' response to them, have attracted international attention. Months after it began, the movement shows no signs of slowing down, even as the school year comes to an end. Scott is joined by two student journalists who have been on the front lines covering the protests at UC Berkeley, where the Free Speech Movement began in the 1960s, and UCLA, where the actions of police officers and counterprotesters are under scrutiny after a violent confrontation last week.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Student Journalists on Covering Historic Gaza Protests at UCLA, UC Berkeley","datePublished":"2024-05-09T00:24:38.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-09T20:13:11.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC9123339834.mp3?updated=1715213005","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11985439","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985439/student-journalists-on-covering-historic-gaza-protests-at-ucla-uc-berkeley","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Campus protests over Israel’s war in Gaza, and universities’ response to them, have attracted international attention. Months after it began, the movement shows no signs of slowing down, even as the school year comes to an end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by two student journalists who have been on the front lines covering the protests at UC Berkeley, where the Free Speech Movement began in the 1960s, and UCLA, where the actions of police officers and counterprotesters are under scrutiny after a violent confrontation last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985439/student-journalists-on-covering-historic-gaza-protests-at-ucla-uc-berkeley","authors":["255"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_21291"],"tags":["news_18085","news_34017","news_33881","news_33673","news_22235","news_17968","news_17597","news_2792"],"featImg":"news_11984510","label":"source_news_11985439"},"news_11985366":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985366","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985366","score":null,"sort":[1715197385000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"ballot-measure-to-limit-new-taxes-goes-before-california-supreme-court","title":"Ballot Measure to Limit New Taxes Goes Before California Supreme Court","publishDate":1715197385,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Ballot Measure to Limit New Taxes Goes Before California Supreme Court | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>California’s top court had tough questions for both sides on Wednesday morning about whether voters should be allowed to weigh in on a sweeping ballot initiative that would make it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985267/why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat\">more difficult for state and local governments to raise taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure, sponsored by business executives and anti-tax groups, would require voters to approve all state and local tax increases — including retroactively applying to any tax approved since January 2022. It also would require the Legislature or local elected leaders to vote to approve all government fees, including library fines and park entrance charges. Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” it’s being bankrolled by the California Business Roundtable, a group made up of top executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state leaders, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, claiming that it amounts to a full revision of the state Constitution, not just an amendment. Revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices seemed skeptical at times of both sides’ arguments during Wednesday’s proceedings at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, represented in court by Oakland-based attorney Margaret R. Prinzing, argued that the initiative is already hampering state and local governments’ ability to plan because they are crafting budget proposals without knowing whether dozens of taxes approved since 2022 would have to be delayed and put back before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prinzing said the proposal clearly shifts power from elected officials to the electorate, making it too far-reaching for the normal initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What qualifies a revision as a revision is that it’s a fundamental change in the structure of government and its powers. And that’s what’s happening here,” Prinzing said, noting that the court has previously described the power to tax as “the most vital and essential attribute of government, without which government cannot function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And what we would be talking about here with this measure is the Legislature would no longer have that power. It would instead be delayed through the voter approval requirement and would be in the hands of a body that is not the Legislature,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics Coverage' tag='politics']The court pressed Prinzing on why it should strip the measure from the ballot entirely, limiting voters’ ability to weigh in, instead of waiting to see whether it passes and then staying the law while the court decides its legality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Goodwin Liu wondered whether the proposal went so far as to be a constitutional revision, given the state’s long history of sharing the power to tax between elected officials and voters. Prinzing said it’s because the initiative would take away the Legislature’s power to levy taxes “and turn it into a power to propose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters and the Legislature obviously operate, occupy different spaces and in the area of taxation,” she said. “This measure would obliterate that distinction when it comes to taxes…. So it’s a revision, and it’s a revision that would occur in ways that would endanger the government’s ability to provide essential government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Hiltachk, the Sacramento-based lawyer representing the initiative sponsors, pushed back. When pressed by Liu as to whether the ballot measure shifts California from a republican form of government, where elected officials are granted power, to a direct democracy, Hiltachk argued that the state has never had a purely republican form of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because our Constitution, since its inception, has stated that all political power is inherent in the people and has stated that the people have the power to reform and alter their government whenever they decide it needs reform,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk also noted that the power to approve taxes has been shared between the electorate and the Legislature “at least since 1911 and the enactment of the initiative referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shared power between the people and the Legislature, so there is no unilateral power of the Legislature to impose taxes,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk was pressed on whether delaying a tax proposal to get voter approval could tie the government’s hands in an emergency situation like the COVID-19 pandemic. And Liu pushed him on the provision that requires all fees to be approved by lawmakers, musing that it would strip power from the executive branch and potentially expand the referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if a local senior center wants to charge a fee, right, for rental of its facilities, that has to be approved now by the city council, right, in order to do that?” Liu asked. “And it is thus subject to the referendum power. If you want to impose a library fine, and you don’t give individual due process to the person subject to the fine, that too right can be subject to legislative approval? I mean, this is vast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk said the measure would simply return California to a system that existed a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have evolved into is an administrative state that has far too much power among non-elected bureaucrats who no one knows their name,” he said, arguing that the Legislature and local elected bodies should have to weigh in. “That’s accountability. That’s not a revision, and that does not impair essential government functions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will decide by the end of June whether to allow the measure to stay on the November ballot. If it does appear before voters, Democrats and their allies will not only campaign against the initiative but also push two of their own aimed at weakening the Business Roundtable measure’s impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would require that this type of ballot measure pass by a two-thirds majority to take effect instead of the current majority required. Another would make it easier to pass local tax and bond measures related to housing and infrastructure, requiring only a 55% vote instead of two-thirds.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Justices seemed skeptical of both sides' arguments at times in a case over a sweeping ballot initiative that would make it more difficult for state and local governments to raise taxes.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715200071,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":23,"wordCount":1051},"headData":{"title":"Ballot Measure to Limit New Taxes Goes Before California Supreme Court | KQED","description":"Justices seemed skeptical of both sides' arguments at times in a case over a sweeping ballot initiative that would make it more difficult for state and local governments to raise taxes.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Ballot Measure to Limit New Taxes Goes Before California Supreme Court","datePublished":"2024-05-08T19:43:05.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-08T20:27:51.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11985366","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985366/ballot-measure-to-limit-new-taxes-goes-before-california-supreme-court","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s top court had tough questions for both sides on Wednesday morning about whether voters should be allowed to weigh in on a sweeping ballot initiative that would make it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985267/why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat\">more difficult for state and local governments to raise taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure, sponsored by business executives and anti-tax groups, would require voters to approve all state and local tax increases — including retroactively applying to any tax approved since January 2022. It also would require the Legislature or local elected leaders to vote to approve all government fees, including library fines and park entrance charges. Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” it’s being bankrolled by the California Business Roundtable, a group made up of top executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state leaders, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, claiming that it amounts to a full revision of the state Constitution, not just an amendment. Revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices seemed skeptical at times of both sides’ arguments during Wednesday’s proceedings at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, represented in court by Oakland-based attorney Margaret R. Prinzing, argued that the initiative is already hampering state and local governments’ ability to plan because they are crafting budget proposals without knowing whether dozens of taxes approved since 2022 would have to be delayed and put back before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prinzing said the proposal clearly shifts power from elected officials to the electorate, making it too far-reaching for the normal initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What qualifies a revision as a revision is that it’s a fundamental change in the structure of government and its powers. And that’s what’s happening here,” Prinzing said, noting that the court has previously described the power to tax as “the most vital and essential attribute of government, without which government cannot function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And what we would be talking about here with this measure is the Legislature would no longer have that power. It would instead be delayed through the voter approval requirement and would be in the hands of a body that is not the Legislature,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"More Politics Coverage ","tag":"politics"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The court pressed Prinzing on why it should strip the measure from the ballot entirely, limiting voters’ ability to weigh in, instead of waiting to see whether it passes and then staying the law while the court decides its legality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Goodwin Liu wondered whether the proposal went so far as to be a constitutional revision, given the state’s long history of sharing the power to tax between elected officials and voters. Prinzing said it’s because the initiative would take away the Legislature’s power to levy taxes “and turn it into a power to propose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters and the Legislature obviously operate, occupy different spaces and in the area of taxation,” she said. “This measure would obliterate that distinction when it comes to taxes…. So it’s a revision, and it’s a revision that would occur in ways that would endanger the government’s ability to provide essential government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Hiltachk, the Sacramento-based lawyer representing the initiative sponsors, pushed back. When pressed by Liu as to whether the ballot measure shifts California from a republican form of government, where elected officials are granted power, to a direct democracy, Hiltachk argued that the state has never had a purely republican form of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because our Constitution, since its inception, has stated that all political power is inherent in the people and has stated that the people have the power to reform and alter their government whenever they decide it needs reform,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk also noted that the power to approve taxes has been shared between the electorate and the Legislature “at least since 1911 and the enactment of the initiative referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shared power between the people and the Legislature, so there is no unilateral power of the Legislature to impose taxes,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk was pressed on whether delaying a tax proposal to get voter approval could tie the government’s hands in an emergency situation like the COVID-19 pandemic. And Liu pushed him on the provision that requires all fees to be approved by lawmakers, musing that it would strip power from the executive branch and potentially expand the referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if a local senior center wants to charge a fee, right, for rental of its facilities, that has to be approved now by the city council, right, in order to do that?” Liu asked. “And it is thus subject to the referendum power. If you want to impose a library fine, and you don’t give individual due process to the person subject to the fine, that too right can be subject to legislative approval? I mean, this is vast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk said the measure would simply return California to a system that existed a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have evolved into is an administrative state that has far too much power among non-elected bureaucrats who no one knows their name,” he said, arguing that the Legislature and local elected bodies should have to weigh in. “That’s accountability. That’s not a revision, and that does not impair essential government functions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will decide by the end of June whether to allow the measure to stay on the November ballot. If it does appear before voters, Democrats and their allies will not only campaign against the initiative but also push two of their own aimed at weakening the Business Roundtable measure’s impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would require that this type of ballot measure pass by a two-thirds majority to take effect instead of the current majority required. Another would make it easier to pass local tax and bond measures related to housing and infrastructure, requiring only a 55% vote instead of two-thirds.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985366/ballot-measure-to-limit-new-taxes-goes-before-california-supreme-court","authors":["3239"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_18538","news_27626","news_16","news_17996","news_17968","news_423"],"featImg":"news_10447124","label":"news"},"news_11985267":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985267","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985267","score":null,"sort":[1715128237000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat","title":"Why Cities Call This Ballot Measure an “Existential” Threat","publishDate":1715128237,"format":"audio","headTitle":"Why Cities Call This Ballot Measure an “Existential” Threat | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Tomorrow the California Supreme Court will hear oral arguments over whether to remove a controversial constitutional amendment from the November ballot. The measure – sponsored by the California Business Roundtable – has triggered a huge battle between business on the one hand and Democrats with their allies in organized labor on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott and Marisa are joined by Bloomberg News correspondent Laura Mahoney to talk about what the constitutional amendment would do and why the governor is asking the state’s Supreme Court to remove it from the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715122266,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":4,"wordCount":93},"headData":{"title":"Why Cities Call This Ballot Measure an “Existential” Threat | KQED","description":"Tomorrow the California Supreme Court will hear oral arguments over whether to remove a controversial constitutional amendment from the November ballot. The measure – sponsored by the California Business Roundtable – has triggered a huge battle between business on the one hand and Democrats with their allies in organized labor on the other. Scott and","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Why Cities Call This Ballot Measure an “Existential” Threat","datePublished":"2024-05-08T00:30:37.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-07T22:51:06.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC1218837039.mp3?updated=1715122551","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985267/why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tomorrow the California Supreme Court will hear oral arguments over whether to remove a controversial constitutional amendment from the November ballot. The measure – sponsored by the California Business Roundtable – has triggered a huge battle between business on the one hand and Democrats with their allies in organized labor on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott and Marisa are joined by Bloomberg News correspondent Laura Mahoney to talk about what the constitutional amendment would do and why the governor is asking the state’s Supreme Court to remove it from the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985267/why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat","authors":["255","3239"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_34026","news_33881","news_22235","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11985268","label":"source_news_11985267"},"news_11985061":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985061","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985061","score":null,"sort":[1715079619000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"a-family-fled-ethnic-violence-in-india-they-still-feel-the-impacts-in-the-bay-area","title":"A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area","publishDate":1715079619,"format":"standard","headTitle":"A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.[aside postID=news_11957446 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230803-Manipur-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. But at least we have one another here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Ching Songput, Tara Hangzo, and Junia Hangzo shop for food at a market in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (right) and her sister Junia Hangzo walk through Delhi, India, on March 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"One year ago, the family of Bay resident Niang Hangzo fled violence in India. Hangzo started an organization to help raise awareness of the ethnic conflict as her mother and other family members wondered how to rebuild their lives.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715271254,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":50,"wordCount":2501},"headData":{"title":"A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area | KQED","description":"One year ago, the family of Bay resident Niang Hangzo fled violence in India. Hangzo started an organization to help raise awareness of the ethnic conflict as her mother and other family members wondered how to rebuild their lives.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area","datePublished":"2024-05-07T11:00:19.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-09T16:14:14.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/16456a17-ed24-447a-8d20-b16501067e3b/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11985061","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985061/a-family-fled-ethnic-violence-in-india-they-still-feel-the-impacts-in-the-bay-area","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This story was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11957446","hero":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230803-Manipur-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. But at least we have one another here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Ching Songput, Tara Hangzo, and Junia Hangzo shop for food at a market in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (right) and her sister Junia Hangzo walk through Delhi, India, on March 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985061/a-family-fled-ethnic-violence-in-india-they-still-feel-the-impacts-in-the-bay-area","authors":["11626","11667"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_1386","news_27626","news_20202","news_18436","news_2672","news_17968","news_18536"],"featImg":"news_11984048","label":"news"},"news_11985079":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985079","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985079","score":null,"sort":[1715041851000]},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"how-arizona-and-nevada-could-determine-who-controls-white-house-senate","title":"How Arizona and Nevada Could Determine Who Controls White House, Senate","publishDate":1715041851,"format":"audio","headTitle":"How Arizona and Nevada Could Determine Who Controls White House, Senate | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>Joe Biden narrowly won both Arizona and Nevada in 2020. Now, both states have emerged as key battleground states in 2024, as abortion, border security, election conspiracy theories and the economy are all playing out there. Scott is joined by New York Times reporter Kellen Browning to discuss what impact the two states will have on who controls the White House and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":null,"status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715040417,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":65},"headData":{"title":"How Arizona and Nevada Could Determine Who Controls White House, Senate | KQED","description":"Joe Biden narrowly won both Arizona and Nevada in 2020. Now, both states have emerged as key battleground states in 2024, as abortion, border security, election conspiracy theories and the economy are all playing out there. Scott is joined by New York Times reporter Kellen Browning to discuss what impact the two states will have on who controls the White House and Senate.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"How Arizona and Nevada Could Determine Who Controls White House, Senate","datePublished":"2024-05-07T00:30:51.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-07T00:06:57.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"Political Breakdown","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC9245979441.mp3?updated=1715036896","sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985079/how-arizona-and-nevada-could-determine-who-controls-white-house-senate","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Joe Biden narrowly won both Arizona and Nevada in 2020. Now, both states have emerged as key battleground states in 2024, as abortion, border security, election conspiracy theories and the economy are all playing out there. Scott is joined by New York Times reporter Kellen Browning to discuss what impact the two states will have on who controls the White House and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985079/how-arizona-and-nevada-could-determine-who-controls-white-house-senate","authors":["255"],"programs":["news_33544"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_866","news_21477","news_34019","news_33881","news_20202","news_3034","news_22235","news_17968"],"featImg":"news_11985082","label":"source_news_11985079"}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. 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You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn","officialWebsiteLink":"/mindshift/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"2"},"link":"/podcasts/mindshift","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0MxSpNYZKNprFLCl7eEtyx"}},"morning-edition":{"id":"morning-edition","title":"Morning Edition","info":"\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3am-9am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/morning-edition"},"onourwatch":{"id":"onourwatch","title":"On Our Watch","tagline":"Police secrets, unsealed","info":"For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"On Our Watch from NPR and KQED","officialWebsiteLink":"/podcasts/onourwatch","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"1"},"link":"/podcasts/onourwatch","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw","npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/onourwatch","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-Our-Watch-p1436229/","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"}},"on-the-media":{"id":"on-the-media","title":"On The Media","info":"Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us","airtime":"SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm","meta":{"site":"news","source":"wnyc"},"link":"/radio/program/on-the-media","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/","rss":"http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"}},"our-body-politic":{"id":"our-body-politic","title":"Our Body Politic","info":"Presented by KQED, KCRW and KPCC, and created and hosted by award-winning journalist Farai Chideya, Our Body Politic is unapologetically centered on reporting on not just how women of color experience the major political events of today, but how they’re impacting those very issues.","airtime":"SAT 6pm-7pm, SUN 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Our-Body-Politic-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://our-body-politic.simplecast.com/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kcrw"},"link":"/radio/program/our-body-politic","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/our-body-politic/id1533069868","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9feGFQaHMxcw","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/4ApAiLT1kV153TttWAmqmc","rss":"https://feeds.simplecast.com/_xaPhs1s","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Our-Body-Politic-p1369211/"}},"pbs-newshour":{"id":"pbs-newshour","title":"PBS NewsHour","info":"Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3pm-4pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"pbs"},"link":"/radio/program/pbs-newshour","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/","rss":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"}},"perspectives":{"id":"perspectives","title":"Perspectives","tagline":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991","info":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Perspectives-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/perspectives/","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"kqed","order":"15"},"link":"/perspectives","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"}},"planet-money":{"id":"planet-money","title":"Planet Money","info":"The economy explained. 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